African Americans and police brutality

Americans of all races, ethnicities, ages, classes, and genders have been subjected to police brutality.

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, for example, poor and working-class white people expressed frustration over discriminatory policing in northern cities. At about the same time, Jewish and other immigrants from southern and eastern Europe also complained of police brutality against their communities.

In the 1920s many urban police departments, especially in large cities such as New York and Chicago, used extralegal tactics against members of Italian-immigrant communities in efforts to crack down on organized crime.

In 1943 officers of the Los Angeles Police Department were complicit in attacks on Mexican Americans by U.S. servicemen during the so-called Zoot Suit Riots, reflecting the department’s history of hostility toward Hispanics (Latinos).

Regular harassment of homosexuals and transgender persons by police in New York City culminated in 1969 in the Stonewall riots, which were triggered by a police raid on a gay bar; the protests marked the beginning of a new era of militancy in the international gay rights movement.

And in the aftermath of the 2001 September 11 attacks, Muslim Americans began to voice complaints about police brutality, including harassment and racial profiling. Many local law-enforcement agencies launched covert operations of questionable legality designed to surveil and infiltrate mosques and other Muslim American organizations in an effort to uncover presumed terrorists, a practice that went unchecked for at least a decade.

Notwithstanding the variety among groups that have been subjected to police brutality in the United States, the great majority of victims have been African American. In the estimation of most experts, a key factor explaining the predominance of African Americans among victims of police brutality is antiblack racism among members of mostly white police departments. Similar prejudices are thought to have played a role in police brutality committed against other historically oppressed or marginalized groups.
Whereas racism is thought to be a major cause of police brutality directed at African Americans and other ethnic groups, it is far from the only one.

Other factors concern the unique institutional culture of urban police departments, which stresses group solidarity, loyalty, and a “show of force” approach to any perceived challenge to an officer’s authority. For rookie officers, acceptance, success, and promotion within the department depend upon adopting the attitudes, values, and practices of the group, which historically have been infused with antiblack racism.

Because African Americans have been the primary — though certainly not the only — target of police brutality in the United States, the remainder of this article will deal mainly with their experiences, both historically and in the present day.

The Great Migration

Interactions between African Americans and urban police departments were initially shaped by the Great Migration (1916–1970) of African Americans from the rural South into urban areas of the North and West, especially following World War II.

Most white communities, including white police departments, were unaccustomed to the presence of African Americans and reacted to their increasing numbers with fear and hostility, attitudes that were exacerbated by deeply ingrained racist stereotypes. Reflecting the beliefs of many whites, northern police departments acted upon the presumption that African Americans, and especially African American men, possessed an inherent tendency toward criminal behavior, one that required constant surveillance of African Americans and restrictions on their movements (segregation) in the interests of white safety. Accordingly, by the mid-1950s many urban police departments had implicitly reconceived their missions as essentially that of policing African Americans — i.e., protecting whites against Blacks.

The forms of police brutality to which this situation gave rise were variable and generally not limited to physical assault (e.g., beatings) and excessive use of force. They also included unlawful arrests, verbal abuse (e.g., racial slurs) and threats, sexual assaults against African American women, and police homicides (murders of civilians by police). Police were also sometimes complicit in drug dealing, prostitution, burglaries, protection schemes, and gun-smuggling within African American neighborhoods.

Although police brutality against African Americans had become a serious problem in many urban areas by the mid-20th century, most whites remained unaware of it until about the mid-1960s, in large part because most large-city newspapers (whose readerships were primarily white) did not consider it newsworthy. In contrast, incidences of police brutality were regularly covered in the Black press from the early 20th century, frequently in front-page articles. Likewise, local and national civil rights organizations collected thousands of affidavits and letters from African Americans documenting their direct experiences of police brutality.

Police brutality after World War II

For a variety of reasons, incidences of police brutality against African Americans became more frequent and more intense throughout the country in the decades following World War II. First, the victory of the forces of democracy in the war overseas created among African Americans expectations of greater freedom and democracy at home, especially as many of them had served in combat in the U.S. armed forces (albeit in racially segregated units).

As Black Americans began to assert their formal rights and liberties, demanding that they be respected by local governments, judiciaries, and law-enforcement agencies, their demands had the effect of reinforcing the tendency of white police officers to view themselves as protectors of white communities.

Second, the migration of rural whites to nearby cities in search of better economic opportunities encouraged police to view their own violence against African Americans as a more acceptable means of control than the mob hysteria that rural whites had been accustomed to and that urban spaces simply did not allow. In effect, police brutality replaced lynchings as a means of oppressing Blacks.

During this period, white supremacist and terrorist organizations such as the Ku Klux Klan and the White Citizens’ Council operated openly in Southern cities, where police brutality against African Americans was abetted by government and political leaders, district attorneys, and judges, among others.

Third, in other cities, especially in the North, the flight of whites to the suburbs and the natural growth of the African American population made African Americans more visible and allowed them to be more mobile within formerly white areas.

Such demographic changes made African Americans as a group appear more threatening to white police officers and allowed the latter to more easily justify extralegal tactics as a means of controlling African Americans’ mobility and limiting their use of public spaces.

Fourth, beginning in the 1970s, African Americans who had joined local police forces in large numbers as a result of aggressive recruitment and affirmative action programs themselves committed serious acts of brutality against African American civilians, in part because they wished to be seen as “good cops” and to be otherwise accepted within their departments.

Finally, the escalation of urban crime rates in the 1970s and ’80s, including in predominantly African American and other minority neighborhoods, strengthened the perception among white police officers and whites generally of African Americans as inherently criminal, a trend also reflected in a newly racially charged political and policy discourse, referred to by critics as the criminalization of the Black poor and working class.

Police brutality and race riots

From the 1960s, police brutality was a catalyst for many of the race riots (riots caused by racial dissensions or hatreds) that took place in urban America, including the Watts Riots of 1965 and the Detroit Riot of 1967. In 1980 the Liberty City section of Miami erupted over the police killing of an unarmed African American man.

During a period of three days, 18 people were killed and some 1,000 arrested, and more than $100 million in property damage was committed.

Twelve years later the beating of Rodney King by Los Angeles police officers and their subsequent acquittal on charges of assault with a deadly weapon and excessive use of force triggered the Los Angeles Riots of 1992, still considered the worst race riots in American history.

During a period of four days, more than 50 people were killed and more than 2,300 were injured, and property damage was estimated at about $1 billion.

In 2014 the fatal shooting of an unarmed African American teenager, Michael Brown, by a white police officer in Ferguson, Missouri, and a grand jury’s subsequent decision not to indict the officer on criminal charges provoked rioting in that city.

Later race riots (along with peaceful demonstrations) followed the deaths in police custody of Freddie Gray in Baltimore, Maryland (2015), and George Floyd in Minneapolis, Minnesota (2020), both of whom were African American.

Antibrutality campaigns

Most victims of police brutality, including not only African Americans but also whites and other ethnic groups, have come from the ranks of the poor and low-income working classes. They have consequently lacked significant political influence or the financial resources that are sometimes necessary to effectively publicize complaints of police brutality.

Nevertheless, antibrutality campaigns have been mounted in nearly every major U.S. city with a sizable Black population. In sometimes large demonstrations, members of victimized communities have demanded, in addition to an end to police brutality and accountability for guilty officers, major reforms including the hiring of more African American police officers and the placement of more African American officers in supervisory positions, racially integrated patrols or Black-only patrols in African American neighborhoods, civilian review boards, and federal investigation (e.g., by the Justice Department) of egregious cases of police brutality. Their tactics have included sit-ins, boycotts, picketing, and close monitoring of police activity, including (from the late 20th century) by means of videos taken with handheld cameras and mobile telephones.

In 2013 the acquittal of George Zimmerman, a neighborhood watch volunteer in Sanford, Florida, on charges of second-degree murder and manslaughter in the fatal shooting of Trayvon Martin, an unarmed Black teenager, led to the founding of a powerful social movement, Black Lives Matter. The movement subsequently played a prominent role in nationwide protests following extreme acts of police brutality against African Americans. In retaliatory attacks in 2016, five white members of the Dallas, Texas, police department and three police officers in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, were shot and killed.

Antibrutality campaigns tended to be led by activists at the grassroots level and by other members of the communities directly affected rather than by more-established civil rights organizations such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and the National Urban League, whose memberships were drawn primarily from the Black middle class.

Indeed, Black middle-class support for antibrutality protests was often limited, largely because, like their white counterparts, middle-class Blacks generally favored tough crime-fighting measures to protect themselves and their property from Black criminals. Because they were relatively inexperienced as leaders, however, antibrutality activists often used direct and confrontational methods, preferring street protests over negotiations.

And because they generally lacked an institutional base and a clear strategy, they were often reactionary, acting in an ad hoc fashion and creating organizations and developing constituencies as the need arose.

Despite such limitations, they were usually effective, because they articulated the anger of their constituencies, who were generally suspicious of electoral politics (“the system”) and who had no faith that Black politicians would adequately address their concerns.

Artificial intelligence is one of the most critical topics for criminal law jurists, given that there is a need to establish legal rules commensurate with the nature of this technology that is expected to prevail worldwide. The problem of the study is the lack of a legal framework that regulates the uses of artificial intelligence and shows the criminal rules that should be applied.

The chapter aims to introduce the applications of artificial intelligence, its fields, advantages, and its expected impact during the next stage, highlighting the proposed rules of criminal law to regulate the use of artificial intelligence and discussing the appropriate penalties proposed to be applied.

The study recommended the international community develop a global framework governing the use of artificial intelligence technologies, calling national legislators to set rules that regulate the use of artificial intelligence and determine appropriate penalties in case of misuse.

The aim of the report is to provide an evidence-based understanding of how the proliferation of AI systems is reshaping the landscape of serious online criminality.

This research aims to equip policymakers and security practitioners to plan for emerging criminal use cases and better position themselves to respond to novel threats now and over the next five years.

This time horizon is an operational priority for the UK security and law enforcement community, while also being the current government’s window for action until the next general election.

Legislation in the field of combating organised crime requires improvement. In September 2020, the National Security Strategy and the Strategy for Combating Organised Crime were approved. It is important to define the status of the National Coordinator, who will provide organisational support for the implementation of state policy in the field of combating organised crime. Currently, these functions are temporarily assigned to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine. In 2022, an Interagency Working Group was established to coordinate the introduction of the SOCTA assessment system. In 2024, the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine submitted a report on the results of the assessment of threats posed by serious organised crime to the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine and the National Security and Defence Council of Ukraine. The results of this assessment should form the basis for the Strategy for Combating Organised Crime for 2026–2030. In 2025, a phased transformation of operational and search activities into criminal intelligence is planned, with the establishment of clear criteria for distinguishing it from criminal procedural, intelligence and counterintelligence activities.

In June 2024, the law on the “relaunch” of the Economic Security Bureau of Ukraine entered into force. The competition for the position of Director of this body has been completed, but the process of appointing the winner of the competition has been complicated. After this, the process of attesting its staff is expected to begin, which will last up to 18 months. At the same time, these steps should be a priority, and subsequently, efforts should focus on enhancing the analytical capacity of the Economic Security Bureau of Ukraine, introducing modern management practices, assessment systems, etc., for the comprehensive reform of this law enforcement body.

All pre-trial investigation bodies are to varying degrees responsible for investigating financial crimes. In October 2024, Ukraine approved a Procedure that defines the concepts of financial investigation, financial analysis, their purpose, and the principles of financial analysis in the meanings provided in the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) Recommendation 30. The issue of delineating the investigative jurisdiction of pre-trial investigation bodies regarding financial investigations, including predicate offences, remains relevant, as does the improvement of the criminal statistics collection system concerning financial investigations as a separate category of criminal proceedings.

The reform of the National Agency of Ukraine for Detection, Search and Management of Assets Obtained from Corruption and Other Crimes has begun. There are certain improvements in the anti-money laundering system at the level of draft laws. The quality of implementation of the Action Plan for the Asset Recovery Strategy remains formal and lacks an adequate level of public engagement in practice.

A separate law on civilian firearms has not yet been adopted, and the conditions for the acquisition, storage, registration, safeguarding, carrying, transportation and use of firearms are regulated by a subordinate legal act. In 2023, the Unified Firearms Register became operational, and in 2024, a Coordination Centre for Combating the Illicit Trafficking in Firearms, Their Essential Parts and Components, and Ammunition (NFFP) was established. Criminal liability for illicit trafficking in firearms is inadequate, and the illicit trafficking in essential parts of firearms has not been criminalised at all. Legislative decisions on these matters are under consideration by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine.

The reform of the Security Service of Ukraine remains an open issue, considering the requirements of wartime. The general direction of the reform — transforming the SSU into a counterintelligence body — is supported by all stakeholders. However, the scope of such reform is viewed differently, primarily in relation to the retention of investigative functions for crimes against national security and terrorism.

Combating corruption within law enforcement agencies is carried out through the implementation of several anti-corruption measures provided for in anti-corruption strategies, the adoption of which is mandatory. Relevant anti-corruption prevention and enforcement units are responsible for this. Overall, the internal control system is well-developed, and the requirements for professional ethics and integrity are gradually being strengthened.

Recruitment to positions in all law enforcement agencies is carried out on a competitive basis. Appointments to managerial positions in new agencies (the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine, the State Bureau of Investigation, and the Economic Security Bureau of Ukraine) are made following competitive selection. In contrast, such competitions are currently not mandatory in the National Police of Ukraine. The competitive appointment of the Head of the National Police of Ukraine and the overall depoliticisation of the police remain pressing issues. The Rule of Law Roadmap has provided clarity regarding the Government’s plans on this matter, but the relevant measures require effective implementation.

Ukraine actively cooperates with European bodies for international cooperation — Eurojust and the European Union Agency for Law Enforcement Cooperation (Europol). It has working arrangements with the European Union Agency for Law Enforcement Training (CEPOL) and actively uses such instruments as Joint Investigation Teams (JITs).

The full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia has brought new challenges in the field of combating trafficking in human beings, associated with increased risks of falling into situations of trafficking due to internal displacement or travel abroad, lack of access to occupied territories, destruction of critical infrastructure, economic destabilisation, and other factors. These challenges significantly complicate the activities and affect the entire system of actors involved in combating trafficking in human beings in Ukraine. Certain systemic issues that existed before the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia remain unresolved, and no substantial progress was made in addressing them during 2023–2024. Specifically, these relate to gaps in legislation and inconsistency with international standards and recommendations of international institutions; the ineffectiveness of criminal prosecution of trafficking-related crimes by law enforcement agencies, with a low number of convictions and a near-total absence of compensation paid to victims, among other issues.

Cybersecurity and combating cybercrime are priorities under the Strategy adopted in 2021. A new challenge in the context of war has been cyberattacks on critical infrastructure facilities. Liability for cybercrimes requires improvement, primarily through the introduction of the concept of “cyberviolence.” The concept of electronic evidence is still absent from the Criminal Procedure Code of Ukraine, unlike in other proceedings (administrative, civil, commercial).

The witness protection system mainly consists of physical security measures — personal protection and warning of danger. At the same time, no threat assessment is carried out, and the material support of the system is insufficient. The legal framework is outdated and does not meet current needs, as the relevant law was adopted back in 1993 and has not undergone significant amendments since then. The current vision of the Government is to assign these functions exclusively to law enforcement bodies, although earlier public policy documents envisaged the establishment of a separate independent body for this purpose.

Many police officers, therefore, ignore training and conversations on ethnic profiling, which hinders combating it. We describe the foundations of a Virtual Reality based training prototype that seeks to encourage active participation in ethnic profiling dialogue.

We describe the iterative process between the various steps in the design process of the Virtual Reality tool and the design features including experiential learning and perspective-taking on the individual level, and constructive controversy dialogue on the group level.

Our observations during its testing phase indicate that the current prototype contributes to officers’ awareness of ineffective and biased police practices.

While this testifies to the potential of the prototype design to shape meaningful police reform activities on a larger scale, we also speculate that our immersive design may offer solutions for other urgent socio-political controversies.

1 Introduction

Police organizations around the world are increasingly criticized for the way they treat ethnic minorities (de Maillard et al., 2024; Meeteren et al., 2023). One of these practices is popularly known as ethnic profiling. The Council of Europe has defined ethnic profiling as ‘the use by the police, with no objective and reasonable justification, of grounds such as race, color, language, religion, nationality or national or ethnic origin in control, surveillance or investigation activities’ (Council of Europe, 2019). As such, ethnic profiling represents an unlawful practice and is argued to cause various negative effects. This ranges from a general decline in police legitimacy and public trust, to more operational consequences evidenced by a reluctance of communities to cooperate with police officers and a decreased ability of the police to gather intelligence (Jackson et al., 2012; Tyler, 2004; Tyler and Blader, 2003; Tyler and Wakslak, 2004).

Following (alleged) ethnic profiling incidents, and informed by studies into racial disproportionality in crime statistics (e.g., Pierson et al., 2020 for the United States; FRA, 2017; FRA, 2019 for Europe), politicians and police chiefs around the world have advocated change. For example, the European Parliament has called for actions to end all forms of racism and aggression (Narrillos, 2020), while Dwight Henninger, the president of the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP), announced a multiple-year Public Trust Campaign (Police Chief, 2022). Many police departments around the globe are now adopting various measures to reduce ethnic profiling, such as oversight, monitoring solutions, and, specifically, different kinds of awareness and soft-skill training (Lai and Lisnek, 2023; R. E; Worden et al., 2024).

Traditional approaches to training the police on ethic profiling have proved challenging (Vitriol et al., 2024), mostly due to a lack of officer support and an unwillingness to participate in reform. As illustrated by Skogan (2008 p. 23); “Police officers do not want to be plagued with out-of-touch programs that adds to their workload and gives them tasks that lie outside their comfort zone.” This is supported by a recent survey study examining police officers’ attitudes towards participation in ethnic profiling training (Böing et al., 2025). It showed that one-third of the participating police officers (total n = 263) reported no interest in training as they did not consider themselves biased. Others did not want to participate because they perceived it as an exaggerated topic, were explicitly against training, believing it was wrong, or were not necessarily against reform but reluctant to engage in such a training out of fear of being evaluated negatively by their peers.

The various forms of resistance arguably have negative consequences for the successful implementation and deployment of reform measures. Yet, resistance is often overlooked and underestimated by leaders and practitioners. In the context of heated public debates about racial bias and inequality, police leaders may be tempted to opt for interventions that are quickly realizable and sometimes merely for “damage control” (Engel et al., 2020; p.160). Many police departments are currently experiencing intensified scrutiny which should motivate police leaders to adopt evidence-based strategies that effectively improve police work (Engel et al., 2020).

Given the need for effective interventions to prevent ethnic profiling, we have developed a prototype of a training with interactive 360° film in Virtual Reality (VR) to stimulate ethnic profiling dialogues among police officers, while raising awareness of their own potential biases in day-to-day police activities. In recent years, VR has emerged as a promising tool for enhancing training responses in high-stress professions, notably among police officers (Muñoz et al., 2024), due to its unique capacity to offer engaging experiences (Hube et al., 2024).

The paper describes the various steps taken in the development of the training, and the theoretical and practical considerations that lay at its foundations. In the Results section, we discuss our observations of a pilot study involving a small number of police officers, examining the suitability of our prototype as a tool that effectively helps police officers to address ethnic profiling on the work floor and improve police work.

2 Materials and methods

2.1 Methodological considerations

To develop the current prototype, Sedlmair et al. (2012) framework was used as guidance. This framework addresses specific real-world problems faced by domain experts, that require a visualization solution, and has been used by many academics ever since (see, e.g., Lotteraner et al., 2023; Ruan et al., 2023; Van Den Brandt et al., 2024). Considering that many officers are unaware or indifferent about racial bias, a VR learning experience could raise their awareness of racial bias in everyday policing, and encourage their involvement in reforms.

In the first phase of the framework–the Precondition phase–relevant literature and policy documents were collected, examined previous initiatives and built a network of experts and practitioners to help with the design. In the subsequent Core phase, the emphasis moved to the actual translation of the problem into a solution. In this phase, a case was made for using experiential, social and affective learning strategies, resulting in a prototype consisting an interactive 360° film in VR, followed by reflective group dialogues. Finally, in the Analysis phase it was explored how the developed prototype worked in practice, by introducing it to a small number of police officers visiting a symposium for police innovation.

Figure 1 shows an overview of this framework with these three phases: a precondition phase, a core phase, and an analysis phase, each involving two or more stages. While outlined as a linear process, the overlapping stages and gray arrows imply the iterative nature of this process.

On the basis of the preparatory work done in the precondition phase, I focus on the Core phase and conclude with the Analysis phase. The steps of the Core phase are described in the next paragraphs, while these steps of the Analysis phase are described in the Results (3) section.

The first crucial step in this design study was to understand how police officers, in general (prefer to) learn. While studying the available literature, I realized the importance of considering not only what ‘new’ knowledge should be offered, but also how it should be offered, and by whom.

2.2 Theoretical framework

Implicit (racial) biases are a major issue in society. This issue is not only common and widely prevalent in society (e.g., Pierson et al., 2020 for the United States; FRA, 2017; FRA, 2019 for Europe), but also hard to change (de Maillard et al., 2024; Meeteren et al., 2023). While various training initiatives have been introduced to reduce implicit bias, experts have been skeptical about their effectiveness (Engel et al., 2020; R; Worden et al., 2020; R. E; Worden et al., 2024). Frequently, these initiatives involve a single workshops or presentation in a class room setting, leading to temporarily effects at best (Lai and Lisnek, 2023). A training to reduce implicit bias in the New York Police Department (R. Worden et al., 2020) found several positive results. Officers showed improved awareness of implicit bias and positive attitudes towards diverse community members after training. A follow-up training, however, found no significant changes in behavior (R. E. Worden et al., 2024).

2.2.1 Experiential learning

Interactive elements, such as role-play and group discussions, are believed to have contributed the training’s success. Consistent with experiential learning literature (cf. Dewey, 1938; Green et al., 2024; Kolb and Kolb, 2005), adding interactive elements can stimulate motivation and engagement. Besides, studies show that when participants are invited to directly perform the task or skill at hand, it helps them to better understand and remember key information offered in the training (Fromm et al., 2021; Martirosov and Kopecek, 2017; Sharar et al., 2016).

While traditional experiential learning has advantages, it also has a number of downsides. Activities can be resource intensive (e.g., it requires time, money, and materials for effective use), and training sessions cannot be done independently regarding time and location (Fridell and Böing, 2023). Moreover, some people may feel anxious or overwhelmed in hands-on exercises, such as role-play (Downing et al., 2020).

2.2.2 Virtual reality

Scholars have suggested using immersive technologies, such as Virtual Reality (VR), for training, education, and experiential learning, for a number of reasons. VR can simulate real-world scenarios with high fidelity, allowing users to experience situations that may be difficult to recreate in role-play (Louis, 2024). People can learn, for instance, how to extinguish a fire and bandage wounded victims, without putting their, or others people’s, life at stake (Xie et al., 2021). Today, VR is increasingly used for implicit bias training as well. In studies by Groom et al. (2009) and Peck et al. (2013) participants engaged in virtual environments where they embodied characters from marginalized groups, to let them experience what it is like to be discriminated against. Both studies demonstrate the effectiveness of virtual reality as a tool for fostering social empathy and understanding.

While these studies indicate that such an experience can promote awareness and reduce bias, by allowing individuals to walk in someone else’s shoes, it is unclear whether these outcomes can also be expected in relation to police officers on the issue of ethnic profiling. Among law enforcers, this practice is generally downplayed (Shiner, 2010); cases are seen as ‘isolated incidents’, caused by a few ‘rotten apples’ (Griffin, 2020). Studies indicate that police officers see themselves as the ‘real victims’ due to the many accusations at their address (Nix and Wolfe, 2017). It is therefore the question if police officers could, and would want to recognize themselves in a narrative about ethnic profiling, in which they feature as perpetrators. The notion of a ‘racist cop’ challenges their assumed innocence and respected self-image (R. Worden et al., 2020). In this context, efforts to create awareness and reduce implicit bias by showing an example of ethnic profiling from a victim’s perspective, may not work among police officers.

Alternatively, to mitigate resisting responses, the VR content could be offered to them from a police perspective. A number of conditions are important to consider to promote awareness and reduce bias. First, it is important that the scenarios feel real to participating officers, and are offered in a non-accusatory way. Terms such as (institutional) racism, discrimination, and even ethnic profiling, should receive as little emphasis as possible. Instead, labels such as ‘professional police stops’ and ‘engaging in effective police work’ should be used. Moreover, consistent with research done by Roboh and Tedjaatmadja (2016), users should be appreciated for their input, and offered reassurance by communicating that engaging in the VR simulation is no assessment, and that making errors is not only permissible but also an integral phase of the educational journey. Taking these points seriously would contribute to a psychologically safe learning environment, and encourage everyone’s active participation (e.g., Edmondson, 1999). Second, interactive VR experiences should be considered as these offer several advantages over passive ones. For starters, as interactive VR requires active participation, it can lead to higher levels of engagement and motivation compared to simply observing a passive experience (Fox et al., 2009; Martirosov and Kopecek, 2017; Witmer and Singer, 1998). Subsequently, as users can influence the direction of the experience, and see the immediate results of their choices, this allows for a more tailored learning journey that can adapt to individual preferences and needs (Barbot and Kaufman, 2020). Under time pressure, this could reveal (racial) biases in the decision-making process (Kahneman, 2011).

2.2.3 Social learning

Echoing Dewey’s advocacy for learning through doing and reflecting, contemporary scholars argue that experiential learning is best served when experiences are being discussed, analyzed and reflected upon. This may help to have them re-evaluating their initial point of view, which causes them to engage in higher-level cognitive reasoning (Green et al., 2024; Kolb and Kolb, 2005). Related to the topic of this study, discussing, analyzing, and reflecting on experiences from the interactive VR scenario training, can possibly stimulate awareness of their own potential biases in day-to-day police activities and how these can be mitigated. This reflective process may also foster empathy, which research shows is a key mechanism in reducing prejudice during intergroup contact (Pettigrew and Tropp, 2008). By encouraging participants to engage with alternative perspectives in a supportive setting, group dialogues can deepen understanding and promote meaningful attitude change.

Based on social identity theory (Tafjel and Turner, 1985) individuals derive part of their identity from group memberships, which provides a sense of belonging and self-worth. For this reason, sensitive dialogues are best conducted in peer groups, guided by moderators from within the police. These ingroup facilitators are often seen as more trustworthy. Toch (2008) and Worden et al. (2020) found that interventions gain credibility when co-created with fellow officers. This approach can reduce resistance and lead to more meaningful change.

Although police officers are often seen as one group, discussions about racial profiling can divide them. Research indeed shows the existence of pro- and anti-reform camps within police departments (Böing et al., 2025). These internal divisions can resemble intergroup conflict. In such cases, dialogue may serve as a form of intergroup contact and help reducing prejudice in these situations (cf. Pettigrew and Tropp, 2008). Facilitated discussions, especially when combined with VR experiences, may help bridge divides and promote mutual understanding.

To summarize, experiential learning can provide a suitable approach to motivate police officers to participate in reform activities, and enhance learning. VR experiences, and particularly interactive VR, tends to provide a richer, more dynamic learning experience (than passive VR) – especially when combined with group dialogues.

2.3 Building the prototype

Based on the considerations described above, a training was developed, consisting interactive 360° film in VR (hereafter: 360° film VR) followed by a group dialogue to reflect, analyze and discuss the different choices made in VR. The two parts of this training are here discussed in detail.

2.3.1 Using 360° film VR

For the first part of the training, 360° film was used to create a highly realistic VR experience. This can deliver stunning visuals and cinematic experiences, showcasing real locations, events, or stories in a way that captivates viewers. As explained in detail below, this first scenario featured the main entrance of train Station Sloterdijk in Amsterdam, which is known to most Dutch police officers. In this scenario participants are put in the position of a police officer, from a ‘first person view’, who is on patrol. This task is fairly known to the participants as well. Arguably, this realism enhances ‘presence’, which relates to the subjective sensation of ‘being there’ and facilitates users to devote attention to the situation they are experiencing. This makes experiences feel more intensive, and individuals more motivated to participate experience (Fox et al., 2009; Martirosov and Kopecek, 2017; Witmer and Singer, 1998).

While 360° film can help crafting compelling stories, which can leverage the immersive nature of VR, one of the main downsides is the reduced sense of agency. Whereas regular VR allows users to make choices and take actions that directly impact their experience, fostering a sense of agency, in 360° films is more difficult due to digital limitations (Barbot and Kaufman, 2020; Wiebe et al., 2014). Most 360° film VR projects are primarily passive; viewers can only look around but cannot affect the narrative or environment (Tassinari et al., 2022). Inspired by Buttussi and Chittaro (2018) who used branching scenarios in VR for in-flight safety trainings, this project used the same technique to give participants a sense of agency.

The scenarios used for this prototype required participating police officers to first choose a person of interest among dozens of people that could be seen walking in and out of the train station building. Regardless of the person selected, participants can determine how they treat this person, by choosing between several escalating or de-escalating behavioral options. Subsequent responses are contingent upon these choices. For example, if a participant would decide to ID-check one of the characters in the scenario, an ID-check would follow, providing the participant with new clues about the character’s ‘guilt’. However, the participant may also believe in the character’s ‘innocence’, or decide that there is insufficient legal ground to use particular police powers, and choose to let him go.

This sense of being in charge of their own decisions during gameplay (‘sense of agency’), made it possible to later reflect, analyze, and discuss, the choices made by the participants. Therefore, much effort was put in having the dilemmas and optioned solutions (the branches) to correspond with real life. When decisions would not reflect the daily actions of officers, group discussions may fail to encourage self-reflection and critical thinking, as participants will not feel responsible for their decisions in the simulation. To prevent this from happening, all variations were checked with first line police officers for their accuracy and realism, and aligned with current legal and ethical principles for conducting proactive police investigations, including the organization’s Code of Practice.

2.3.2 The VR branches (story) in detail

At the start of the scenario, participants are put in the position of a police officer in front of the train station Sloterdijk. Another (virtual) police officer in the simulation, who has joined the patrol, asks if the participant “sees someone who is worth inquiring”. The participants then have 2 minutes to observe the various people at the square, and to take action at their own discretion. Ideally, they are not distracted by their implicit bias in relation to people and places, and look for behavior that would objectively legitimize police intervention, notably behavior that fits a particular modus operandi.

Although dozens of people are seen in the simulation, not everyone could be selected for a conversation. When participants nevertheless tried to select this person, a text balloon appeared containing the text “I am not participating”, after which they could continue their surveillance. Hidden between these people, two situations were designed to attract attention: (1) a man who is approaching passers-by for short conversations, and in a 90° angle further to the left; (2) four young men who are standing near the entrance of the train station.

Despite the fact that these men did not do anything wrong, they possess certain characteristics that may attract the attention of Dutch police officers (i.e., all young, and male, who seem to ‘belong’ to an ethnic minority that is associated with crime and nuisance; Kleijer-Kool and Landman, 2016). As a consequence, some participating officers may feel an urge to inquire about who they are, and what they are doing there. However, such police behavior can well be interpreted as discriminatory and unlawful. If participants instead focus their attention on the man addressing passers-by, they may observe him speaking to three different people, who do not like his attention, shaking their heads, and gesturing dismissively. In the end, they may find out that this man is peddling drugs.

In both story lines, participants are asked at different times, and under time pressure, to choose how to proceed in the interaction based on the information available. “Desirable” choices according to the Code of Practice, are those that have a sufficiently legal basis. “Undesirable” choices are those without sufficient legal basis. Some examples of desirable and undesirable choices are presented in Figures 4, 5.

Figure 4 presents an example of an ideal route. Ideally, the participants select the man who addresses passers-by, and after hearing the man’s explanation about his whereabouts (e.g., he vaguely explains that he was just asking for directions), they look for a witness to check the validity of his explanation. The witness in the simulation testifies that the man was trying to sell her drugs, which according to Section 9 of the Dutch Narcotics Act provides a legal pretext to search the man’s pockets, or to directly place him under arrest. Alternatively, participants perform an ID-check directly before hearing the witness, depending on their justification. When participants can reasonably make a case that the man has malicious intent, based on behavior and explanation (which can be argued in this scenario), they may conduct an ID-check based on Section 8 of the Dutch Police Act [Politiewet].

Figure 5 gives an example of a non-ideal route. Non-ideal is when participants select the young men for a conversation. Whereas it is not illegal to have a friendly chat, the crucial question is why they should be selected over other characters in the simulation. Especially concerning is when is participants opt for performing an ID check, and even decide to arrest the young men for offending a police officer. Non-ideal routes also exist in the other trajectory, for example, when participants decide to search the man’s pockets without sufficient legal basis. Acting on the basis of a vague explanation about the man’s whereabouts alone, is not sufficient.

Figure 6 shows an example, in relation to the group of young men, of how participants face a dilemma with two choices; ‘Start conversation’ or ‘Ask for ID-card’, displayed in separate squares with a 5-s timer. The film continues playing in the background as the clock runs. Figure 7 shows an example, in relation to the man who addresses passers-by and appears to possess a small amount of cocaine. In this scenario, participants can choose between ‘arrest’ or ‘let go’.

Upon completion, participants receive automated feedback on each of the 10 story branches (‘Alpha’ to ‘Juliet’), based on the decisions made in the simulation. In the event participants did not select anyone, or failed to make a decision in time, no code was distributed. Integrated feedback can help achieving norm-compliant behavior; it can give tips for improvement, and remind participants of the desired behavior (Louis, 2024).

When participants have acted in accordance with the law and the Code of Practice, they receive compliments and are encouraged to discuss their observations and considerations, that inspired them to make these choices, with other participants. However, when participants did not act well, they are informed that other choices could have been better and are encouraged to discuss their choices with other participants.

Compare the following two examples. When participants acted desirably and ended in story branch ‘Bravo’, as described in the example above, they received the following feedback in VR: “You handled this situation very well. You selected the right man who later appeared to sell drugs. The investigation in the area gave you the legal justification to search his clothes. To prevent ethnic profiling, never base your decisions on stereotypes, but always on deviant and criminal behaviour instead. You did this very well”. In contrast, when participants acted undesirably and ended in story branch ‘Golf’, they received the following feedback: “You chose to stop and investigate the young men, who reacted rather annoyed on your decision. I’m curious what you thought of their reaction. Please explain why you found these men noticeable and chose to intervene. You may want to repeat this simulation later.”

2.3.3 Group dialogue

After having experienced the scenario in 360° film VR, the participants are invited to a group dialogue to reflect on their experience. In this second part of the training, participants are encouraged to reflect critically on their policing choices. The purpose of these talks is that they will discover whether their choices were appropriate. To do this, a structured approach was followed with the four stages of constructive controversy methodology (Johnson, 2015) – (1) presenting and advocating the first position, (2) challenging and questioning the opposing position, (3) reversing perspectives and restating the opposing position, and (4) synthesizing and integrating the positions.

As a first step, the moderator invites participants who acted undesirably–in this case initiated a conversation with the group of young men–to share their observations with the group and explain the reasons for their selection. When these participants reach the point where nothing new is shared, the moderator invites the other participants to challenge these positions, by sharing what they have seen and done in the simulation. This is the point where participants from the first group should realize that there may have been better choices, for example, initiating a conversation with the person selling drugs to people. Subsequently, the various decisions are being discussed that have led to a particular outcome.

While these discussions may create anxiety and uncertainty, it may also stimulate curiosity among participants, encouraging them to think critically about their initial views. Some may even want to try the simulation again. This experiential learning could lead to greater interest in the rules for proactive police stops, and understanding the psychology of implicit bias, which in combination can help to prevent ethnic profiling.

2.3.4 Affective communication

The moderators’ skills to build a positive atmosphere in the class are paramount. When participants sense that they are wrong or feel they are being ridiculed for having made undesirable choices in the simulation, it may invoke defensive reactions. A positive atmosphere can be achieved by applying neutral and non-judgmental language, and reassuring, rewarding, and appreciating participants. This allows the participants to speak up and take interpersonal risks without being punished or ridiculed for it (Edmondson, 1999).

3 Results

To explore the functioning of the prototype training, specifically if it could stimulate police officers to engage in constructive dialogues about ethnic profiling, it was introduced to a small number of law enforcers visiting a symposium for police innovation, in Ede, Netherlands, in January 2021. A total of 65 participants, equally distributed over four rounds of workshops, signed up for a ‘workshop with VR’. The majority of them (about threequarters) were male, between 30 and 40 years of age, and overall native Dutch, which roughly correspond with demographic distributions within the Dutch National Police. At entry, the participants did not know that this workshop was centered around the theme of ethnic profiling. They were only informed sparsely about the study’s aims, and that their responses were being observe during the pilot, and their experiences inquired in a questionnaire at the end. People were allowed to participate or leave the room if they did not want to be part of the study. None of the participants left. However, not all participated; eight police officers only wanted to observe. These were left out of the study. The remaining participants were requested to form small groups up to three people, who were then distributed ‘Oculus Go’ VR goggles with fitting audio headsets. After participating in both the simulation and the subsequent dialogue, participants were given full disclosure about the study’s aims, and asked consent to use their response anonymously. Only the material was used of the 44 participants who signed an informed consent document. Reasons for not signing varied, ranging from not feeling comfortable with participating in research or the research topic, to (mostly) having to leave early because of other commitments [e.g., going to the next round of workshops].

The observations first tried to capture their experience while doing the 360° film VR. When they, for instance, would exhibit physical motions whilst in the VR environment, then this would indicate that they are immersed and perceive the content as realistic. Also, the subsequent group dialogue was observed, particularly if participants felt psychologically safe to share their own perspectives, and were tolerant towards different views at the same time. If participants would lively share perspectives, while listening to the perspectives of others, then this would indicate that participants dare to take risks without fear for other team members’ opinions. If in doubt, this was checked with the participants personally afterwards.

It appeared that the participants enjoyed the 360° film VR. Some were seen conversing with the people in the simulation, and using their arms and hands, indicating considerable levels of immersion and realism (see Figure 8). Others were heard stating that the content felt very real, or were speaking lengthy, and with enthusiasm, about their experiences, as soon as they took off the VR equipment. With respect to engagement, there was ample variety in the choices made by the participants in the simulation. For instance, the number of participants who focused on the sole man addressing passers-by was slightly higher (n = 24) than the number of participants initiating conversations with the group of young men at the station entrance (n = 14). Finally, there were also some participants (n = 6) who did not make any selection at all.

Also, with respect to the subsequent escalating and de-escalating choices, participants made very different choices. These differences added significantly to the quality of the subsequent dialogues. Figure 9 shows an example of a group dialogue after VR.

In most groups, participants were observed having lively debates with other participants on differences in the choices they had made. Sharing these observations led to curiosity, which in some cases made participants wanting to do the scenario again to explore alternative options.

13 of the 27 participants, who could have opted for more legal and ethical decisions, indicated that the dialogues made them realize that they could have made these better choices in the simulation. One participant, for example, shared that she associated the physical appearance of the group of young men with crime and nuisance, which had motivated her to start a ‘friendly conversation’ to see if she could somehow find clues that would confirm her initial gut feeling. She also indicated that the group dialogue disclosing the alternative view, that these may just be ordinary young men with no malicious intent at all, had changed her perspective.

In contrast, 13 other participants stated that they would not do anything different in a next instance. For example, two participants who conducted a search without having a legal pretext to do so, later stated that while they understood that the search may have been illegal, they felt that the results of their choices (finding and seizing the drugs) would outweigh any potential unlawfulness. These results show that not all participants came to other ideas after consulting and discussion with their colleagues about the chosen options in the 360° film VR.

Based on the feedback, and the fact that everyone actively participated and several participants spoke very detailed about their observations and considerations, the dialogues were generally perceived as safe. Some participants, in addition, stressed that they liked the way that the conversations were structured, with in particular the focus on skills and craftsmanship, without judgmental language.

4 Discussion

4.1 Proof of concept

This paper describes the various steps taken in the development of a prototype of a training that aims to stimulate dialogues among police officers about ethnic profiling. Based on the discussed theory and observations, it can be argued that the combination of experiential, social and affective learning can help to create an enjoyable, informative, and psychologically safe learning environment, which can motivate police officers to engage in dialogues and discover potential bias and ineffective practices in day-to-day policing. In addition to these qualitative observations, De Vries et al. (2023) quantitatively assessed the efficacy of the 360° film VR part of the prototype training in an experimental setting by comparing police participants who did the first part of the training in VR, with participants doing this in 2D on a smart phone, and with a control condition in which no training content was administered. The study found that the training variant in 360° film VR was indeed characterized by higher levels of presence, engagement and enjoyment, and also improved officers’ knowhow about the rules and principles to prevent ethnic profiling, as described in the Code of Practice. These findings testify to VR, and 360° film VR, as a powerful tool to professionalize policing. However, the study of De Vries et al. (2023) does not reveal to what extent the dialogue part contributed to the positive effects. Because of the controversial nature of the topic, this is important. Observations of the group dialogue provide evidence that this part does add to reflection and introspection. The fact that half of the participants, who could have opted for fairer decisions, agreed that their decisions could have been better, underscores this.

Hence, the contribution of this study fits within the broader context of research on VR applications for training to reduce implicit bias, as well as behavioral change. More specifically, the results indicate that branching scenarios in 360° film VR can stimulate police officers to engage in dialogues about (racial) biases in police decision-making, while the constructive controversy in the dialogue part can help them build awareness and new insights.

4.2 Limitations and recommendations

In the current design of the prototype, a significant part of the outcome relies on participants’ behavioral choices in the 360° film VR; these decisions are the basis for the subsequent group dialogues. However, these decisions may not always be representative of the behavior conducted by officers in their day-to-day police work. As VR allows us to re-create, improve, and gamify reality in a controlled environment, it may be tempting to increase the use of this technology more for studying behavior. However, 360° film VR options remain limited and do not fully simulate reality, where individuals have more degrees of freedom. Also, participants may be motivated to behave socially-desirable when they understand the subject of the training [preventing ethnic profiling]. Finally, 360° film VR may invite participants to treat it as a game, and despite the high level of realism and instructions from the moderator not to see it as such, they may be tempted to experiment and opt for something different from what they would do in real life.

Some researchers have argued for the similarity between experiences in VR and 360° film VR, compared to real life (e.g., see Kuliga et al., 2015), and thus support the ecological validity of choices made in these virtual environments. We, however, would be hesitant to hold participants accountable for their choices in 360° film VR. Arguably, it could be counterproductive if participants feel the feedback, they receive afterwards is unfair or incorrect, and they may respond defensively. Likely, this could have detrimental effects on the dialogue session. Nevertheless, we believe that participants could still learn about correct and incorrect behavior as defined by the Code of Practice, even when they–just out of curiosity-choose unrealistic options.

Another limitation relates to the role of the moderator. The success of the training heavily relies on the situational context and how moderators take a position in the dialogue. Their involvement can help creating a bridge between the virtual experiences, the legal and ethical principles for conducting proactive police stops, and real-world policing, to ensure that the training results in practical and applicable skills. While there is a script for them to follow, meant to stimulate the exchange of perspectives to reach a higher cognitive state, we cannot rule out they acted differently nor guarantee the quality of their actions. To promote independent, reflective, and critical thinking, moderators need to ask the right questions, at the right moment, and connect the answers to relevant theory and practices (i.e., about implicit bias and prejudices). Some may perform better than others. Also, there is a risk in using in-service police officers as moderators. While their group membership may give them credibility, putting them in a better position to communicate the message of change (or to ‘sell the reform’), being part of the same team could make them also vulnerable. In the event of resistance, moderators may resort to coping behavior, such as avoiding controversial questions and seeking concurrence (Johnson, 2015).

This underscores the importance of investing in a train-the-trainer program, that gives moderators the skills and confidence needed to perform their duty, also under difficult circumstances. Ideally, this trainer for moderators contains elements of nonviolent communication, which is used today to manage polarized conversations between people (Koopman and Seliga, 2021), by fostering empathy and building connections across difference (Horvat and Kuzma-Kachur, 2021; Rosenberg, 2003). Furthermore, the selection of the officers for this role might require further attention, both because it is important to grow a larger pool of moderators when the expanding on the training and to avoid always involving ‘the usual suspects’. For moderators to be convincing, we recommend putting esteemed police officers in this role, who are seen as ‘credible’ among fellow officers (Kochel and Nouri, 2024; Toch, 2008; Wolfe et al., 2020).

Finally, to promote perspective taking, it could help to create more diversity in the selection of participants (in terms of demography and background). Officers with different backgrounds may make different choices in the game and may bring in different perspectives in the dialogue afterwards. Interacting with a diverse range of individuals can also challenge preconceived notions and stereotypes, fostering empathy and leading to more nuanced and informed perceptions of different groups (cf. Pettigrew and Tropp, 2008). We anticipate that these recommendations will increase the overall effect of the training.

4.3 Future research

The current research is solely qualitative and descriptive, which is appropriate for an initial pilot study. As a follow-up, we recommend doing a more comprehensive evaluation of the intervention’s impact on both the short and longer term. This would provide a deeper understanding of the relationships between variables and the significance of observed changes.

Additionally, it is crucial to expand research to include frontline police officers, as the current study’s participants were attendees of an innovation Congress who were not initially aware of the workshop’s focus on ethnic profiling prevention. Their openness to the topic may not accurately reflect the perspectives of officers in operational settings. Future studies should aim to engage this target group to assess the tool’s relevance, usability, and effectiveness in real-world contexts. This approach will enhance the generalizability of the findings and ensure that the intervention is tailored to meet the needs of those it is designed to support.

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Source and full text with figures

Using Foucault’s notion of panopticism as a guide, original research will show how the use of technological surveillance by police superiors resulted or failed to result in a panoptic influence over officer behavior.

The internal “policing of the police” stemming from these innovations in department technology will also be discussed.

Instances where a panoptic influence of technology was seen to occur influenced an officer’s modification of professional behavior and the exercise of their personal discretion.

Cases where a panoptic threat was absent is associated with an officer’s use of evasion tactics that successfully reduce or eliminate the observational threat of surveillance.

Also important are instances where officers discussed the possibility that the department was capable of gaining access to details occurring in the context of their personal lives.

Lastly, the study discusses the implications resulting from police surveillance of police from the standpoint of rank and a decline of personal interactions among high and low ranking officers.

Following the 2013 attack, Hyderabad swiftly installed thousands of cameras across the city in an effort to reduce crime and bolster security. It has since become a leading city in surveillance worldwide. Their system includes facial recognition technology (FRT) and an extensive biometrics database alongside a willing police force. It places in the top 10 list of global cities for both cameras per person and cameras per square mile. A 2022 report by the UK-based tech research firm Comparitech found that there are 900,000 cameras for 10,801,163 people, which is equivalent to 83.32 cameras per 1,000 people. [1]

Despite the extensive implementation of closed-circuit television (

CCTV) cameras, the link between increased surveillance and crime rates in Hyderabad in the long term is unclear. Police Commissioner C.V. Anand believes that surveillance is integral to controlling crime rates in Hyderabad, citing that a year after cameras and other technologies were deployed in the city, mugging for jewelry dropped from 1,033 incidents per year to less than 50. [2] Property offenses also decreased by 28 percent, yet detection of property offenses increased by 14.6 percent. Crime against women decreased by 8.34 percent, and road accidents decreased by around 19 percent. [3] However, crime trended upward in 2022, calling into question the lasting effect of surveillance implementation.

Critics also denounce the heightened surveillance as an invasion of privacy and a tool of suppression and injustice. Campaigners against the use of CCTV contend that this surveillance is illegal because it violates India’s Identification of Prisoners Act of 1920, which bans police officials from taking photographs of individuals unless they are arrested or convicted of a crime. The sharing of such photographs with other law enforcement agencies is also banned. Furthermore, activists have raised concerns over the lack of regulation around the use and storage of data collected through CCTVs. In the absence of a data protection law in India, “there are no procedural safeguards” against the way CCTV data is stored, used, or shared, lawyer Anushka Jain of the Internet Freedom Foundation (IFF) said.

Beyond concerns regarding data safety, many individuals claim that surveillance and FRT are being used to squander rights to free speech, expression, and assembly. According to Srinivas Kodali, a researcher and digital rights activist, this surveillance significantly restricts people’s right to assemble and protest freely. Now, individuals who gather and travel in large numbers are stopped, rendering Hyderabad as a “no-protest zone” where it is “near-impossible” to organize. [4]

Similar to the U.S. citizens who have raised contentions against policing, residents of Hyderabad have protested the unequal leveraging of surveillance which has led to disproportionate targeting of marginalized individuals by law enforcement. A report by Common Cause India and Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS) found that “the government was nearly three times as likely to install CCTVs in slums and poor localities.” [5] Many of these low income areas have significant Muslim populations, which, combined with police biases, leads to disproportionate targeting of Muslims. It makes sense to invest in more surveillance in areas with higher crime rates and increased demand for footage. However, police must be cognizant that this practice perpetuates the cycle of the over policing in marginalized communities. 

Anti-surveillance activists frequently refer to the philosophical idea of the panopticon as a symbol of the unethical nature of surveillance. In the late 18th century, utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham proposed the panopticon as a prison design wherein cells are organized in a circular formation around a central watchtower, where a guard could be watching at all times. Inmates, however, are unable to determine whether they are being watched at any given moment. This threat of surveillance, in turn, causes inmates to constantly “self-regulate” their behavior just in case the guard’s eyes are on them. The widespread presence of CCTV cameras draws many parallels to the structure of the panopticon. Citizens roaming the streets of Hyderabad are constantly reminded of their own surveillance via intentionally visible cameras, and the Command and Control Center effectively serves as a watch tower—the focal point of oversight. Discipline is ubiquitous and power is embedded amongst every individual, rather than centralized in the government. Furthermore, the heightened surveillance within low-income, Muslim communities in Hyderabad makes these effects the strongest within the most marginalized communities. Wealthier residents are afforded the peace of mind that they exist outside the panoptic gaze of the watch tower, while low income residents are hyper-aware of their own surveillance. This discrepancy occurs to the extent that wealthy residents often install surveillance systems of their own. [6] In doing so, they distance themselves from the “prisoner” title and take on the role of the “guard” within the panopticon model. Thus, the current state of Hyderabad can be characterized as a panopticon. The insidious panopticism disproportionately impacts marginalized members of society while allowing privileged members to evade its grasp. 

As mainstream American politics grapples with how to integrate more equity into the policing system, it is imperative that policymakers look to other cities for inspiration. The United States can use Hyderabad as a case study to determine what does and does not work to optimize the way we minimize crime domestically and ensure protection. Based on its ineffective and controversial ramifications, however, the United States should not emulate Hyderabad’s extensive implementation of surveillance. CCTV and FRT have proven to target marginalized communities, breach privacy, raise data safety concerns, and fail to reduce crime in the long-term. Implementing similar measures in the United States would likely only exacerbate existing discrimination issues related to current policing methods. Ultimately, while surveillance may not be the future of policing in the United States, we should continue to explore innovative avenues for reform to pursue a more just future.

[1] Bischoff, Paul. “Surveillance Camera Statistics: Which City Has the Most CCTV Cameras?” Comparitech. May 23, 2023. https://www.comparitech.com/vpn-privacy/the-worlds-most-surveilled-cities/. 
[2] Jain, Rishabh. “Facial Recognition Wielded in India to Enforce Covid Policy.” AP News. December 20, 2022. https://apnews.com/article/technology-health-india-hyderabad-law-enforcement-9b5e249d7ef5cefd3c6dc74c2c4b5b84. 
[3] Telangana Today. “Crime Rate in Cyberabad Drops by 12 per Cent in 2022.” December 23, 2022. https://telanganatoday.com/crime-rate-in-cyberabad-drops-by-12-per-cent-in-2022.
[4] Kodali, Srinivas. “Policing in Cyberabad: India’s Techno Dystopia Encroaching on People’s Rights.” Question of Cities. October 7, 2022. https://questionofcities.org/policing-in-cyberabad-indias-techno-dystopia-encroaching-on-peoples-rights/. 
[5] Deccan Chronicle. “Hyderabad Has Highest Number of CCTV Cameras; Only 25 PC Installed by Govt: Report.” April 12, 2023. https://www.deccanchronicle.com/nation/current-affairs/100423/hyderabad-has-highest-number-of-cctv-cameras-only-25-pc-installed-by.html.
[6] Deccan Chronicle. “Hyderabad Has Highest Number of CCTV Cameras; Only 25 PC Installed by Govt: Report.”

Although the term often appears without an express definition, the limited ones that do exist vary in their construction. There are also multiple perspectives on the carceral state’s characteristics, including its composition, relationship with the prison-industrial complex, its age, size, and form. Also, while many prominent scholars agree that its discriminatory actions and effects are defining features of the carceral state, notable differences remain in how this discrimination is framed.

This decentralized and varied understanding impacts both the theoretical development and practical applications of the carceral state concept. Rather than converging into a single, cohesive theory, multiple interpretations of the carceral state persist and will likely continue to do so. While this diversity of perspectives offers advantages, it also presents challenges in achieving the necessary consensus to dismantle the carceral state and build a noncarceral one.